Age-Old Suffering
For as long as humans have experienced war, conflict, and trauma, they have suffered from PTSD. It’s just often been called something else.
In the Epic of Gilgamesh, a work of literature dating back some 4,000 years, a Sumerian king, Gilgamesh, suffered nightmares and wandered numb through his kingdom after witnessing the death of his friend Enkidu. Another ancient example can be found in the Ramayana, an epic Indian poem from the fifth millennium BCE. The poem details the terror-filled recollections of the demon Marrich after he was almost killed by the hero Rama—Marrich goes so far as to avoid the mention of things that start with the letter R.
In the 1600s, doctors in Europe noted that Swiss mercenaries were increasingly gripped by despair, sleeplessness, and severe homesickness, a condition they dubbed nostalgia. During the U.S. Civil War, physicians found that nostalgia was often accompanied by mania, withdrawal, or destructive behaviors. Veterans exhibiting these symptoms filled post-war asylums.
During World War I, soldiers afflicted with nightmares, tremors, and psychological and physical disorientation were said to be suffering from shell shock, while World War II saw this array of symptoms come to be known as battle fatigue or combat stress reaction. The symptoms were chalked up to exhaustion from long deployments.
A new discourse about such symptoms, however, started percolating during the Vietnam War. Sparked by the 1972 New York Timesop-ed column, “Post-Vietnam Syndrome,” by Canadian psychiatrist Chaim Shatan, the medical community began to investigate in earnest the psychological consequences of combat stress.
By the Book
Psychiatrists formally acknowledged PTSD as a medical disorder in 1980, including criteria for its diagnosis in the third edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III).
The primary diagnostic criterion was based on whether an individual had been exposed to an overwhelming stressor, one on the edges of normal human experience, such as war, sexual assault, and catastrophic disasters, natural or otherwise. This perspective was a dramatic shift in thinking; the disorder went from being a condition resulting from personal weakness to one initiated by external forces that swamped a person’s ability to cope.
The National Comorbidity Survey Replication, conducted between February 2001 and April 2003, estimated that nearly 7 percent of adults in this country would, at some point in their lifetime, develop PTSD as a result of exposure to traumatizing situations such as domestic abuse and serious accident or injury. Yet the nature of war—the repeated, unavoidable exposures to death, horror, and trauma—binds the disorder to the experience of soldiers. Addressing the causes of and treatment for PTSD, therefore, is a central part of the mission of the Veterans Health Administration, the federal health care system responsible for the medical needs of an estimated 20 million veterans, many of whom struggle with PTSD for much of their lives.
“I still encounter World War II veterans who, as you engage them in conversation during a visit, will start to cry and talk about things that happened more than seventy years ago,” says Michael Charness, an HMS professor of neurology and chief of staff of the VA Boston Healthcare System.
A Window Within
According to Charness, there has been a growing acceptance that PTSD is a bona fide disorder that affects the structure and function of the brain. Some of the earliest and strongest evidence for its biological basis arose from studies conducted by VA scientists in the late 1980s, including those led by Roger Pitman, now an HMS professor of psychiatry and director of the PTSD research laboratory at Massachusetts General Hospital, and his colleagues.
Adapting an experimental paradigm known as script-driven imagery, Pitman and colleagues asked combat veterans to describe their traumatic experiences and detail how they felt during those experiences. The researchers then composed short personalized scripts based on the descriptions and measured participants’ biological responses as the scripts were read aloud back to them. Participants were instructed to remember the moment as vividly as possible.
In one set of experiments, published in the Archives of General Psychiatryin 1996, Pitman’s team used this approach while scanning the brains of PTSD patients. Those scans found that the brain regions involved in responding to threats—those areas involved in the fight or flight response—were hyperactive, particularly the amygdala, which plays a primary role in emotion and fear, and the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, which connects the amygdala with a cortical region responsible for inhibiting cognition and executive function. At the same time, the region of the brain that plays a role in inhibiting emotional responses appeared to be underactive.
In other studies, says Lauren Lebois, an HMS instructor in psychiatry in the Neurobiology of Fear Laboratory at McLean Hospital, brain scans of people diagnosed with PTSD have shown the opposite response.
“What we’ve seen from functional neuroimaging studies is that brain activity in individuals with PTSD can go awry in two different directions,” says Lebois. “In some individuals, the parts of their brains responsible for the stress response become overactive and the parts that act as braking mechanisms to the stress response are underactive compared to individuals without PTSD. In a subset of other individuals with PTSD, threatening stimuli trigger the opposite sort of brain pattern—parts of their brains responsible for stress response become underactive and parts that act as braking mechanisms to stress response become overactive.”
As technologies advance so do efforts by researchers to identify the molecular and genetic factors associated with PTSD. As with other psychiatric disorders, PTSD likely involves the interaction of various genes that contribute to its development and progression, a fact that underscores the need for initiatives such as the VA’s Million Veteran Program. As of September 2017, this program had collected blood and DNA samples as well as electronic medical records and longitudinal health and lifestyle surveys from more than 600,000 veterans, making it the world’s largest genomic database tied to a health care system.
With the goal of collecting all one million samples by 2020, program researchers aim to provide scientists with the data and statistical power needed to better understand, diagnose, and treat complex diseases. Studies on PTSD and substance abuse are already underway.
Soul-Wrenching
War breeds experiences that, under normal circumstances, would be unthinkable for most people: harming or killing civilians; following illegal or immoral orders; witnessing atrocities committed on noncombatants or fellow soldiers; failing to intervene or report such acts. Any of these experiences can challenge a soldier’s core moral and ethical beliefs.
Bradley still relives one such moment. He was commanding a four-vehicle convoy moving through the streets of Najaf, Iraq, when the Humvees crossed paths with a procession celebrating the festival of Eid al-Fitr, the end of the month of Ramadan. The soldiers’ presence at the holy celebration infuriated the crowd. Soon, the Humvees were being rocked in an attempt to flip them. Bradley and his team freed themselves the only way they could.
“We drove back and forth to push the assailants away,” says Bradley. “We were able to extricate ourselves, but we wounded a number in the crowd.”
According to Alex Jordan, a staff psychologist at McLean Hospital who has served as the PTSD expert evaluator for the VA and Department of Defense jointly funded Consortium to Alleviate PTSD, military servicemembers “are trained to deal with threats to their life but not as much for dealing with the other realities of combat.”
“Many are haunted most by events that didn’t cause them to feel terror, but rather shame, guilt, anger, or resentment,” he adds. “This violation of moral expectations that one holds for oneself or other people may cause what we call moral injury.” Jordan has co-authored several publications on moral injury, including, in 2017, a clinical primer on the spiritual features of war-related moral injury in the journal Spirituality in Clinical Practice.